New Orleans attack intensifies surveillance against terrorism and political violence
The New Year’s Day attacks on crowded entertainment districts in New Orleans and Las Vegas not only struck symbolic American targets, but also underscored the seriousness of official warnings about the growing risks of political violence.
Even if they turn out to be separate attacks carried out by individuals, experts say that the dramas that occurred at the dawn of a new year, and within weeks of the new US presidency, indicate an increasingly complex set of risks that Americans face.
Why did we write this?
The New Year’s Day attacks demonstrate a shifting threat matrix for American cities, amid the growing use of vehicles as weapons, a growing array of domestic and international grievances, and some Americans’ embrace of political violence.
In New Orleans, in the early hours of Wednesday morning, a man plowed a truck into large crowds gathered on the city’s famous Bourbon Street, killing 14 people and wounding about 30 others.
The truck driver was identified as a US citizen and military veteran, Shams al-Din Jabbar, and authorities say he declared his support for ISIS. He was killed after clashing with the police.
Hours later, in Las Vegas, a Tesla Cybertruck loaded with fuel cylinders and fireworks mortar exploded in front of the Trump International Hotel. The driver, believed to be active duty Special Forces soldier Matthew Livelsperger, died. Seven other people were injured in the explosion, according to authorities.
“We are seeing an increasing and material diversity in the terrorist threat,” says Brian Levin, an expert on extremism at California State University, San Bernardino.
The New Year’s Day attacks on crowded entertainment districts in New Orleans and Las Vegas not only struck symbolic American targets, but also underscored the seriousness of official warnings about the growing risks of political violence.
Even if they turn out to be separate attacks carried out by individuals, experts say the dramas that occurred at the dawn of the new year, and within weeks of the new US presidency, indicate an increasingly complex set of risks to Americans.
The increasing use of vehicles as weapons, a growing array of domestic and international grievances, and the embrace of violence by some Americans as acceptable political currency, are part of the changing threat matrix for American cities.
Why did we write this?
The New Year’s Day attacks demonstrate a shifting threat matrix for American cities, amid the growing use of vehicles as weapons, a growing array of domestic and international grievances, and some Americans’ embrace of political violence.
“We are seeing a gradual and material diversification in the terrorist threat that relates not only to ideology but also to the tactics and tools and how these attacks are organized,” says Brian Levin, director of the California Center for the Study of Hate and Extremism. San Bernardino State University. “In these attacks, we seem to have ideology, psychological or situational distress, and then retaliation or personal retaliation — it’s a diverse threat matrix.
He adds: “We are in a fertile environment because aggression is now considered a currency in terms of politics, and this is reflected in the violent conflicts we see around the world.”
Two events, both with murderous intent
In New Orleans, in the early hours of Wednesday morning, a man drove a truck into large crowds gathered on the city’s famous Bourbon Street. The city was crowded during New Year’s celebrations and a football playoff match, and the attack killed 14 people and injured 30 others, according to authorities.
The truck driver was identified as Shams al-Din Jabbar, a US citizen in his 40s who lives in the Houston area. He was killed after clashing with the police.
Hours later, in Las Vegas, a Tesla Cybertruck loaded with fuel cylinders and fireworks mortar exploded in front of the Trump International Hotel. The driver was killed and seven people were injured, according to authorities. The driver was identified as Matthew Livelsperger, a Colorado resident in his 30s. The Cybertruck is an iconic product of the automaker founded by tech billionaire Elon Musk, a prominent supporter of President-elect Donald Trump, whose real estate empire includes a Las Vegas hotel and who will take office later this month.
President Joe Biden said the New Orleans attacker claimed in social media videos that he was inspired by ISIS — a transnational Islamic extremist terrorist group. Authorities say they found a flag representing the group tied to the truck’s tow hitch. They also found explosives in the car and the surrounding area.
At a news conference on Thursday, the FBI and New Orleans police said all evidence at their disposal indicated that the attacker acted alone. The New Orleans attack is being investigated as an act of terrorism, and the FBI said it is working through a joint terrorism task force to determine whether the Las Vegas explosion was an act of terrorism, Washington Post I mentioned.
Find motives
The authorities are investigating whether there is any relationship between the two events, but no connection has emerged so far.
However, there are still some similarities between the two men in question. The New Orleans attack also shares commonalities with recent domestic terrorist attacks in the United States and abroad.
Both men rented their trucks through Toro, a peer-to-peer car rental marketplace, and both men have experience in the US military. Mr. Jabbar spent more than a decade in the U.S. Army and U.S. Army Reserves, where he served as a human resources and information technology specialist and deployed to Afghanistan in 2009 and 2010, the Houston Chronicle reported. I mentioned. Meanwhile, Staff Sergeant Levelsperger was an active-duty soldier who served in the U.S. Army since 2006, including in Special Forces. He was on approved leave when he rented the truck, according to the Associated Press, citing Pentagon officials. It appears that he died from a bullet he shot himself before the explosion.
Whether the attacks are linked or not, both goals may speak volumes about the attackers’ political intentions and thought processes.
Authorities are still investigating the motives, but for example, “in Las Vegas, there could be criticism or complaints about the merging of … tech billionaires with government power,” says David Schanzer, director of the Triangle Center on Terrorism and Homeland. Security at Duke University in Durham, North Carolina. In his view, “this was a very premeditated type of attack — to rent this particular car and blow it up” in front of a hotel owned by the Trump Organization. And perhaps in New Orleans, “in terms of Islamic ideology, it’s about sin, immorality, and drinking — a very symbolic goal of attacking American excess and immorality.”
Defend cities against vehicle attacks
A recent study found that vehicular attacks have increased since 2010, with more than 60 attacks in cities including London, New York, Berlin and now New Orleans, actions that have killed more than 240 people and injured more than 1,000. On December 20, an attacker drove a car into a crowd of people in Magdeburg, Germany.
Cities, including New Orleans, responded by using concrete barriers, sometimes temporary, to prepare for entertainment events. New Orleans was in the process of installing such barriers to prepare for next month’s Super Bowl when the attack occurred. Such preparations require balancing the safety and accessibility requirements that are integral to city parks and squares.
Experts say that preventing attacks carried out by lone individuals is also more difficult than preventing larger plots involving multiple actors.
“We don’t have an X-ray of a man’s soul,” says Brian Michael Jenkins, an analyst at the RAND Corporation. “It’s very difficult to see what an individual is up to.”
Is extremism on the rise in the army?
The two incidents highlighted extremism within the country’s military ranks.
One study found that each year since 2011, just over 40 people with U.S. military backgrounds commit crimes. Associated with extremist beliefsup from about seven per year between 1990 and 2010. About 16% of those criminally charged in the U.S. Capitol riot on January 6, 2021, were military or former military.
Other studies have concluded that the share of extremists and support for extremism is No bigger In the US Army than it was in The public in general. In fact, the Pentagon has begun winding down the post-January period. On October 6, the United States launched efforts to root out extremists in the military, given the many gray areas these efforts have exposed.
“I don’t support the idea that there are extremism problems in the military,” says Danny Davis, a 20-year veteran of the US Army and director of the graduate certificate in homeland security at Texas A&M University. “That doesn’t mean there aren’t problems,” he adds. “But I can show you examples from any sector of society that has used terrorist methods.”
Over the past year, FBI Director Christopher Wray, who is set to resign at the end of the Biden administration, has warned of growing threats of international terrorism, largely linked to the war in Gaza. He told the Associated Press in August that it was “hard to think of a time in my career where so many different types of threats were raised at once.”
However, the overall challenge is not new. The key is what choices the public makes, says Laura Duggan, a sociologist and terrorism expert at Ohio State University.
“Do we want to live in a police state and be safe? Or do we not want to live in a police state and then take the risks of things like this? Professor Duggan asks. “We won’t be 100% safe from attacks, but we’re not. …But I personally don’t think it’s worth living in fear either.”