From Los Angeles to Paris, the populist right hates cities – and is nourished by a bitter defeat Andy Picky
andRom Los Angeles to London, Istanbul to Warsaw, cities make the right -wing populists angry. Their liberal elites, immigrants, net zero policies, left -wing activists, globalized companies, expensive transport infrastructure and frank municipal leaders – all of them provocatives for popular politicians whose support comes from more conservative and less distinct places.
Three years ago, the founders of the National Governorate, which is the ideology of the Atlantic, on which many modern right -wing peoples depend on the principles. One of these, surprisingly noticeable at the time, Declare With some danger: “In these [places] Where the law and justice has been spoiled clearly, or where the national government should intervene actively to restore the regime.
This month, the Donald Trump administration has set the first American city – and certainly not the latter – to meet these vast vast criteria. He said: “Los Angeles has been invaded and occupied by illegal foreigners.” The Minister of Internal Security, Christie Nom, said it was the “city of criminals” and “Socialists”. “Ghoby violence” was disrupting the work of the federal government there, and its deputy chief of staff, Stephen Miller, claimed that the “rebellion” was underway. Trump’s promise: “We will liberate Los Angeles and make it free, clean and safe again.”
This “liberation” involves a continuous, expanded and controversial military occupation – almost unprecedented in American history – is one of the indicators of the depth of popular hostility towards liberal cities and their leaders. The other is the last prison of the Istanbul Mayor, Ekrem ̇mamoğlu, a competitor to the authoritarian message Tayyip Ardoğan for the Turkish presidency. Another is the level of security required for the head of the Labor Party mayor in London, Sadiq Khan, which is like this for Kiir Starmer and King Charles.
The threats of killing, public abuse and government aggression by such municipal figures in the supposed free democracies-as well as more accurate interventions than to fight the attendees, such as Nigel Faraj’s complaint in 2014 that he could not “hear the English language” on the London’s inner train-a lot about the popularity of the right, its anxiety and basic values. Cities are the place where the future begins often, and populism often revolves in adhering to the past.
While conservative population stands out, or says it is estimated, the nation -state, the countryside, society, social continuity and traditional family, cities are often loyal to the most loyal loyalty. While populism displays politics as a simple battle between “people” and their enemies, cities, by gathering many interest groups in one place, show that politics is in fact a more complex process: it involves competition but also cooperation and competitions on space and resources, and many social forces, including class, sex, local pride and race.
More seduction and confusion still for conservative people, over the past thirty years, has changed many major cities. Trump admits this by describing Los Angeles as “once wonderful.” Mike Davis also put in Pioneer History From the city, for most of the twentieth century, Los Angeles, behind her comfortable image, was a very conservative place: racist separate, and marina in the form of repression, governed by Republican mayors such as Democrats. Immigration, radical activity, the most progressive departments, and the gradual improvement of the city changed the city, until now, while it is still formed often by inequality, it is a stronghold from the left center.
A similar transformation has occurred since the nineties in Paris, London and many other cities of Europe and North America. As for the truth, the loss of these prestigious places was a bitter defeat – and then their insistence that the liberals and the left were destroyed. The mayor of Khan Al -Wasat in London used her very limited powers to provide free meals for primary school children and give the air cleaners, however, routinely described the right -wing press as an ideological and catastrophic experience.
Such cartoons of cities and their government are more disguised because they ignore the political complexity of these places. Forty percent of London residents Brex VoiceMany of the city’s immigrants are social conservatives. Some of the most solid left areas, or have it, are known from the right -wing residents: Boris Johnson and Paul Dakri, former Daily Mail, the cruel, used to live in Ezzington, north of London. Dominic Kamings is still doing. In Turkish green in the town, I sometimes see the deputy conservative Nick Timothy – who recently told the House of Commons: “The diversity is not our strength: it is a very dangerous and difficult challenge” – they apparently line up with full happiness although the store is explained in different languages, before returning to his home in the town the most varied of penetration.
For all aspects of the city’s life that raises anger from the right, there are others that you may expect to satisfy them: focus on work, entrepreneurship, the tremendous importance of property and endless hierarchy. These priorities and perpetrators can push cities to the right. In the eighties of the last century, many Conservative Party deputies were elected. Paris may have the mayor of a governor, Jacques Cherc, from 1977 to 1995.
However, the return to the urban preservation seems less likely with the right to the popular situation. As the economist magazine – which does not usually refer to the municipal left – recently indicated, the city government needs “practical politicians who keep … by roads free of drilling … [and] Buses working on time.
Perhaps this does not matter to the populists. They can continue to attack cities, in order to stimulate their voters elsewhere, without actually the need to run them. Meanwhile, the liberal and liberal municipal politicians maintain the main centers of economy and tourism, leaving popular national politicians like Trump free to enhance less practical policies. Los Angeles may hate contemporary and California, but the state economy Recently exceeded Japan becomes the fourth largest in the world – beneficial to the president whose economic plan is wrong.
However, the urban resistance of right -wing popularity should not be removed as just playing in the hands of the enemy, as some political pessimists did during the protests in Los Angeles. Whether on the street or from a great mayor’s office, the reactionary populists challenge today, they enjoy a value – as an act in itself and as an encouragement for others. The city’s life can be dark and disappointing. But one of her virtues is that although the trends come and go quickly, the rebellions are rarely forgotten.