Trump’s peace plan is everything that the Israelis dream. But it is a fantasy Roy Schwartz
IIt did not take T long before Donald became a message that everyone in Israel can embrace. The plan of 20 points to end the ongoing war in Gaza, which was presented by the US President on Monday, is all that the Israelis dreamed of-until they imagined. The hostages will finally return, some of them to their families, others to their graves. Hamas will disappear, at least as a ruling organization, and soldiers will return home. The “Peace Plan”, supposed to return to normal life.
A brief reading of the one -page plan may indicate that the Prime Minister of Israel, Benjamin Netanyahu, and his people participated in the formulation of this. Sometimes, he reads more like a list of Israeli demands more than diplomatic concessions. Perhaps this is the reason why Netanyahu gave her his blessing quickly, which seemed to have sealed the deal. Until then, it is worth noting, offered his speech a A little different version From the plan received from the written document – saying that it does not agree to a Palestinian state or a full military withdrawal.
Once you dismantle the package, remove the tapes and preferences (“” may be one of the great days in civilization, “Trump said), more than a few open holes. The most obvious is the other side of the deal – Hamas, which has not yet agreed. These small details seem to be considered almost unrelated. Looking at Netanyahu’s record, one may ask whether Hamas’s refusal will actually be a suitable result of him. He will allow him to appear as a person who truly tried to end the war – while maintaining full support for the United States to continue this. Since ending bloodshed may also mean the collapse of his alliance, there may be deeper political accounts in playing.
Another major question lies in the alternative response that Hamas may give: Yes, but. In other words – support a deal to end the war in principle, but with some details that require more negotiation. This would raise the issue of how Israel could be flexible, given that the Netanyahu government is currently dependent on extremist right -wing parties and that many of its members may look at the slightest compromise as reasons for the coalition solution (even the current plan has shook it). At this point, it will become a test of the amount of pressure that the United States can realistically exercise on Netanyahu – wrapping his arm, if necessary. And if that fails, what?
Take Article 17 of the planFor example. It states that even if Hamas rejects or delayed the agreement, Israel will hand over “terrorist” areas to an international force. How exactly is supposed to happen? How will this power actually work in a war zone? There are no answers to these questions.
Even if we assume that the original proposal goes through the help of Arab and Muslim countries, it will not be the end of doubts – the beginning only. Many of the uncertainty are related to what is called today after that. The plan is full humanitarian aid to Gaza, including the rehabilitation of infrastructure (water, electricity, wastewater), hospitals, bakeries, and the entry of the necessary equipment to remove the rubble and reopen roads. However, the allocation of funds is missing. The document does not provide any details about the amount of the cost of this, or mainly, on the one who will provide this financing.
The same applies to the proposed international installation power (ISF). What countries will send the forces? How many? Who will have a comprehensive authority over these forces? How will they coordinate with the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF)? Who will be responsible for ensuring that Gaza does not become a stadium for various countries, each of which has its own interests and agenda? Last but not least: Who will give assurances to the people of Gaza that all of this is not just a new form of foreign occupation? These may look simple, but necessary details – if not critical – to make the plan more than theory.
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However, it appears that the public conversation in Israel is largely unexpected because of such questions. This should not be a surprise. Many Israelis have been indifferent to the catastrophe in Gaza since the war began – including mass death and starvation of unarmed Palestinians. It is logical that they will not care themselves on how Gaza presents forward. Most often, what is happening in Gaza appears to be – for Gaza – without any consequences on the other side at all.
In some way, the suggested end of the war is comfortably fits within the same mentality. There is a widespread feeling that if the plan continues, Israel can return to the days before it occurred. Everything that happened in Gaza, with the exception of, of course, will be forgotten, the massacre of October 7, 2023. There will be no reason to protest against Israel worldwide, and certainly not impose sanctions on Israeli officials, or an invitation to exclude international sporting events or the European song competition.
The fact that in the foreseeable future, the Gaza Strip will remain a devastating area that may hardly seem any minimal infrastructure inside Israel. It also does not seem to be important for the Gaza people to take a long time to rebuild their homes and return to work – or to bury their loved ones and sadness. Not to mention that it is possible that more horror will be revealed if Gaza becomes safer and opens to the foreign press. These issues are rarely discussed. Like a history book that was returned to the library, it is simply closed and presented away.
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